Covid-19 kiire levik ja ettearvamatute tagajärgedega tulevik ehmatas paljusid tõsiselt ning arvestades pandeemia geograafilist ja ajalist ulatust tundub, et kartused ei olnud asjata. Sestap võib mõista paljude valitsejate koleerilisi reaktsioone ning võiks olla ettevaatlik hinnangute andmisega ka politseile, kui ühele nähtavamale osalisele.
Siinviidatu keskendub Itaalia näitele, sest:
Italy was the first European country to be seriously impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Lisaks on levimas arvamused, et Itaalia on populismiga lähemalt või sügavamalt kokku puutunud, kui mitmed teised riigid (vt nt siit).
The Italian coronavirus pandemic policing model is hereby defined as populist policing. This is because it draws on the current populist context dominated by the Five Star Movement (Laclau, 2005; Mudde and Kaltwasser, 2017) founded by the comic actor Beppe Grillo in 2007.
(a) opposition to ruling elites; (b) the people as a nation with a homogeneous identity; and (c) the people as sovereign taking a stance against the corrupt elite.
Populistliku politsei kaks elementi (PS! Politseid tuleks siinses tähenduses mõista avaramalt, kui ainult politseiorganisatsiooniga haaratut):
The first is policing from below, that is, those practises enacted by the public as a reaction to lockdown violations. […] The second, populist policing from above, refers to practixes enacted by local administrators such as mayors and regional presidents to encourage the public to invigilate lockdown enforcement.
Emotsioonid ehk olukord, kus instinktid ületavad intellekti:
In his model of epidemic psychology, Strong (1990) argues that when medical emergencies occur, emotions play a crucial role in shaping the strategies a society uses to deal with them. This was the case in Italy. The government chose to enact an immediate lockdown because of the abrupt escalation of the pandemic.
Although some authors, such as Giorgio Agamben (2020), challenged the Italian public to adopt a critical attitude towards the risks of a state of exception (Agamben, 1995), the majority of Italian public opinion sided with the government.
People were asked to stay at home, to self-certify their movements and to comply with the controls enacted by police forces patrolling their region. No discussions with local committees, such as district councils (even through the use of IT tools) took place, and no attempt was made to involve the local population as an auxiliary force. […] The lack of a negotiated, participatory policing model, matched with the generalised fear provoked by COVID-19 and the securitarian mood of recent years, produced the spontaneous, disorderly activity of policing from below, that is, data-gathering and reporting on alleged violators. The public collaborated with police forces under the guise of fear, ignoring such things as the violation of privacy and the penal risks related to arbitrarily stopping a person without being vested with specific powers to do so.
Scalia, V. (2021). ‘Stay home you murder!’: populist policing of COVID-19 in Italy. International Journal of Police Science & Management