Selle teksti sissejuhatuseks oleks kasulik meenutada üht vaidlust. Mitmed Michel Foucault pärandi uurijad väidavad, et tema looming oli mõjutatud Friedrich Nietzsche avaldatust. Ja siis on teised, kes esitavad viiteid Foucault tekstidele, kus viimane väidab, et kasutab Nietzsche tekste ja ideid selleks, kuidas paremini mõelda ja käituda ning ei arutle selle üle, mida Nietzsche tegelikult mõtles (nt “First, I took up this text in function of my interests, not to show that this was the Nietzschean conception of knowledge” (Foucault, M. (1994). La vérité et les formes juridiques. S. 538-646 in: M. Foucault, Dits et écrits, 1954-1988. Bd. 2, 1970-1975.))
Nii võiks lugeda ka siinviidatud teksti viisil, kuidas see aitaks mõelda politseist (nii organisatsiooni kui praktikate tähenduses) Eestis või mujal, mitte arutleda selle teksti epistemoloogiliste vms keerdkäikude üle.
Konteksti avades märgitakse muuhulgas:
People of color – in the context of the United States, primarily black and Latinx – experience higher levels of police scrutiny compared to their white counterparts both as pedestrians (Fagan, Conyers, and Ayres 2014; Gelman, Fagan, and Kiss 2007) and as drivers (Chanin, Welsh, and Nurge 2018; Epp, Maynard-Moody, and Haider-Markel 2014; Fallik and Novak 2012). Meanwhile, policing in the United States is experiencing a period of low morale among officers, who feel that their jobs have become more difficult and dangerous
Our analysis identifies discursive and cognitive mechanisms through which a dehumanizing narrative about people and communities of color is sustained. These mechanisms allow officers to deny or dismiss the existence of, and responsibility for, racial disparities in law enforcement practices.
As an ideology, colorblindness gained traction in the late-1960s post-civil rights era. In contrast to the overt racism of the preceding Jim Crow era, which was built on assumptions of black inferiority and criminality, color-blind racism explains racial disparities “as the product of market dynamics, naturally occurring phenomena, and blacks’ imputed cultural limitations” (Bonilla-Silva 2018:2).
Officers are aware – even hyperaware – of racial dynamics in policing, but they are also convinced that this is the product of externalities: the media, activists, the disproportionate commission of crime by different racial/ethnic groups, and the needs of the community. […] Our analysis found that this denial of racialized policing was underpinned by a commitment to fairness and equality of treatment regardless of race. This is what we refer to as “color-blind policing.” […] Color-blind policing, which claims to be strongly opposed to explicitly racialized practices, masks subtle and complex practices of color-blind racism that form the underbelly of everyday policing. Moreover, the “colorblindness” claim is not a fixed construct but rather one that may start off blind (e.g., not being able to see the driver’s race when initiating a traffic stop) but becomes more racialized through the course of the stop.
Welsh, M., Chanin, J., & Henry, S. (2021). Complex Colorblindness in Police Processes and Practices. Social Problems. 68, 374–392.