Legitiimsus on oluline karakteristik ilmselt enamikele sotsiaalsetele süsteemidele, mis soovivad ühiskonnas ellu jääda ja hakkama saada. Politsei avaliku sektori organisatsioonina, ei ole erandiks, vaid pigem üks aktiivsemaid, kes püüab muuhulgas erinevate mõõdikute kaudu politsei-elanike vahelist suhet mõista. Tõsi, legitiimsuse mõistmine ei ole sageli nii spetsiifilise fookusena mõtestatud.
Siinviidatu võib huvi pakkuda nii politseinikele, poliitikakujundajatele kui uurijatele-tudengitele, sh eriti neile, kes huvitet võrdlevuuringutest.
Comparative research has certainly but slowly progressed during the past twenty years and begun to enhance our understanding of police-citizen relations. Yet, initial studies mostly covered Anglo-Saxon countries and focused on community policing, procedural justice or ‘stop-and-search’ policies (Tyler 1990, Bayley 1994, Bradford 2017, Roché and Oberwittler 2018).
Vihjed n-ö teemasse sisselugemisel:
In this regard, pioneering studies, adopting a multilevel analytical approach, have already demonstrated the impact of ethnic and religious cleavages (Thomassen 2013, Morris 2014 Oberwittler and Roché 2018a, Roché et al. 2018a, Roché 2018b), levels of crime rates (Sung 2006, Jang et al. 2010, Thomassen 2013, Morris 2014, Jang et al. 2015) or victimisation (Bradford 2017), corruption (Kääriäinen 2007, Jang et al. 2010, Thomassen 2013, Morris 2014, Jang et al. 2015, Alalehto and Larsson 2016, Schaap 2018), social trust (Thomassen 2013, Kääriäinen 2018), or levels of democratisation (Sung 2006, Jang et al. 2010, 2015, Morris 2014) on police legitimacy.
From this perspective, this study positions itself at the intersection of two approaches. It aims to reinforce our understanding of the political foundations of police legitimacy that simultaneously enhances our insights into the strengthening of political trust more generally. By the same token, trust in the police, as an indicator of police legitimacy, will be ascertained as an element of political trust, which allows us to make use of the existing breadth of empirical trust research to formulate empirically substantiated assumptions about the contextuality of trust in the police.
Citizens of younger democracies, most notably post-communist societies, tend to be more critical, although most of them hardly exceed the scale midpoint (5.5). Remarkably, French citizens are critical of their police, which is unusual for an established democracy where trust in impartial actors is usually high. Conversely, a high level of integrity is attested to police in established democracies, particularly in Scandinavian countries.
With regard to voting, it should be noted that for the ﬁrst time non-incumbent voting does not signiﬁcantly contribute to the explanation of the dependent variable, whereas voting for an incumbent party increases the likelihood to perceive police as independent. […] While the strongest positive eﬀects on police political dependence can be identiﬁed for France, Estonia, Finland, Slovenia or Ireland, voting for incumbent parties in Portugal, Great Britain or Croatia has the opposite eﬀect.
Politseikontaktide erinevad mõjud:
Turning to police contact’s random eﬀects, Figure 26 suggests these are, in most countries, reinforcing the view that undue political pressure is exerted. Particularly, countries like Greece, Hungary, Cyprus, Portugal and Spain stand out in this regard. At the same time, however, we have to concede that in countries like Belgium, Lithuania, Finland and Estonia, police contact can even have the opposite, albeit smaller, eﬀect.
If we assume that objective police conduct and citizens’ subjective perceptions of it are not in large part disconnected from each other, do these ﬁndings sketch a broader picture of interdependencies in democratic societies? Clearly, being a politically involved citizen in an impartial, transparent and fair institutional setting oﬀers favourable conditions for police to pursue their impartial executive tasks to the beneﬁt of democratic society writ large. Yet, politically disenchanted citizens arguably believe that both, representative and impartial institutions, are stacked against them.
Zmerli, S. (2022). Institutions, political attitudes or personal values? A multilevel investigation into the origins of police legitimacy in Europe. Policing and Society, 32(3), 341-377.