Põhjuseid selle artikli sattumiseks siia voogu on palju, kuid olgu siin esitatud vaid kaks. Etnograafia meetodeid kasutavad uuringud äratavad minus ikka suurt lugupidamist, sest uurija on “asja sees” seda ise mõistes ning mõtestades. Teiseks, Aet Annist, üks uuringu autoritest on üks oma valdkonnas tunnustatud tegijatest, kelle uurimustööde kaudu antud panust eesti elu mõistmisel on raske üle hinnata.
Identity – a person’s understanding of who they are – is shaped by the recognition, absence of recognition or misrecognition on the part of others such that misrecognition acts as ‘a form of oppression, imprisoning someone in a false, distorted, and reduced mode of being’ (Taylor 1994, 25).
This article explores the possibilities that recognition politics aﬀords young people to manage group-based marginality, stigma and symbolic and social dispossession but also the paradoxes this engenders and the limits of recognition politics. The article draws on four ethnographic case studies with young people – young Muslims in the UK and Germany, young people in the Seto heritage region of Estonia and HIV activists in Russia – who experience distorted modes of being due to misrecognition, stigmatisation and marginalisation.
Since identity is shaped by recognition, or its absence, Taylor (1994, 25) argues, misrecognition of individuals or groups – experienced often as societal representation of them in a demeaning or contemptible way – constitutes ‘a form of oppression’. The absence of recognition or misrecognition does not only signal the depreciation of group identity, however, but, as Fraser (2008) contends, constitutes a form of social subordination.
Like misrecognition, stigmatisation oppresses by constraining and reducing one’s mode of being; stigma reduces people to tainted and discounted others (Frost 2011, 824). Rooted in Goﬀman’s (1990, 9) seminal work on ‘spoiled identity’, stigma is understood to be a life-determining state of social non-acceptance resulting from the attachment to an individual of an attribute that society deems undesirable or discrediting.
The Seto are not an ethnic group with oﬃcial status in Estonia, however, their various organisations operate as a platform for communicating with the wider state body, and they have received state support for maintaining their cultural uniqueness.
Setude juhtumi andmestik:
Interviews were conducted with 20 individuals, of both Seto and Estonian origin, aged between 14 and 29. Interviews were also conducted with local Seto elite representatives. Observation took place at local Seto heritage events, council meetings, a ‘survival’ activity organised by the local youth centre and a photography course and competition organised by the researcher.
Vihjed lugemishuvi suurendamiseks:
In contrast, in the case of youth in the Seto region, where the absence of recognition was experienced and the arena for identity politics was saturated with more valued subaltern (indigenous Seto) identity claims, there was no space for claims making and responses were conﬁned largely to non-participation, passive rejection or physical withdrawal through outmigration. In this case, lack of access to resources to forge a valued identity around which to mobilise was a key factor in constraining capacity for response.
Hilary Pilkington, Necla Acik, Aet Annist, Iris Dähnke, Nadya Nartova, Iskender Yasaveev & Anastasiia Shilova (2021): Not apologising for a community: young people’s responses to misrecognition and stigma, Journal of Youth Studies, DOI: 10.1080/13676261.2021.1973660